Contra definition is - against —used chiefly in the phrase pro and contra. How to use contra in a sentence. Against —used chiefly in the phrase pro and contra; in opposition or contrast to See the full definition. President Ronald Reagan signs off on a top secret document, National Security Decision Directive 17 (NSDD-17), which gives the Central Intelligence Agency.

Contents.History Origins The Contras were not a monolithic group, but a combination of three distinct elements of Nicaraguan society:. Ex-guardsmen of the and other right-wing figures who had fought for Nicaragua's ex-dictator —these later were especially found in the military wing of the (FDN). Remnants of the Guard later formed groups such as the, the Anti-Sandinista Guerrilla Special Forces, and the National Army of Liberation. Initially however, these groups were small and conducted little active raiding into Nicaragua.

Anti-Somozistas who had supported the revolution but felt betrayed by the Sandinista government – e.g., prominent member of the political directorate of the FDN, or, who had briefly served in the Council of State before leaving Nicaragua out of disagreement with the Sandinista government's policies and founding the, an opposition group of Nicaraguan exiles in Miami. Another example are the (Milicias Populares Anti-Sandinistas), peasant led by disillusioned Sandinista veterans from the northern mountains. Founded by (known as 'Dimas'), the Milpistas were also known as chilotes (green corn).

Even after his death, other MILPAS bands sprouted during 1980–1981. The Milpistas were composed largely of campesino highlanders and rural workers. Nicaraguans who had avoided direct involvement in the revolution but opposed the Sandinistas.Main groups. See also:In front of the, Nicaragua claimed that the contras were altogether a creation of the U.S. This claim was rejected. However, the evidence of a very close relationship between the contras and the United States was considered overwhelming and incontrovertible.

Played a very large role in financing, training, arming, and advising the contras over a long period, and the contras only became capable of carrying out significant military operations as a result of this support. Political background. See also: andThe US government viewed the leftist Sandinistas as a threat to economic interests of American corporations in Nicaragua and to national security. US President Ronald Reagan stated in 1983 that 'The defense of the USA's southern frontier' was at stake. 'In spite of the Sandinista victory being declared fair, the United States continued to oppose the left-wing Nicaraguan government.'

And opposed its ties to Cuba and the Soviet Union., who had assumed the American presidency in January 1981, accused the Sandinistas of importing Cuban-style socialism and aiding in El Salvador. The Reagan administration continued to view the Sandinistas as undemocratic despite the 1984 Nicaraguan elections being generally declared fair by foreign observers. Throughout the 1980s the Sandinista government was regarded as 'Partly Free' by, an organization financed by the U.S. President and Vice President in 1984On 4 January 1982, Reagan signed the National Security Decision Directive 17 (NSDD-17), giving the the authority to recruit and support the contras with $19 million in military aid.

The effort to support the contras was one component of the, which called for providing military support to movements opposing, communist.By December 1981, however, the United States had already begun to support armed opponents of the Sandinista government. From the beginning, the CIA was in charge. The arming, clothing, feeding and supervision of the contras became the most ambitious paramilitary and political action operation mounted by the agency in nearly a decade.In the fiscal year 1984, the U.S. Congress approved $24 million in contra aid. However, since the contras failed to win widespread popular support or military victories within Nicaragua, opinion polls indicated that a majority of the U.S.

Public was not supportive of the contras, the Reagan administration lost much of its support regarding its contra policy within Congress after disclosure of CIA mining of Nicaraguan ports, and a report of the commissioned by the found Reagan's allegations about Soviet influence in Nicaragua 'exaggerated', Congress cut off all funds for the contras in 1985 by the third. The had first been passed by Congress in December 1982.

At this time, it only outlawed U.S. Assistance to the contras for the purpose of overthrowing the Nicaraguan government, while allowing assistance for other purposes. In October 1984, it was amended to forbid action by not only the Defense Department and the Central Intelligence Agency but all U.S. Government agencies.Nevertheless, the case for support of the contras continued to be made in Washington, D.C., by both the Reagan administration and, which argued that support for the contras would counter Soviet influence in Nicaragua.On 1 May 1985 President Reagan announced that his administration perceived Nicaragua to be 'an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States', and declared a 'national emergency' and a against Nicaragua to 'deal with that threat'. It 'is now a given; it is true', the Washington Post declared in 1986, 'the Sandinistas are communists of the Cuban or Soviet school'; that 'The Reagan administration is right to take Nicaragua as a serious menace—to civil peace and democracy in Nicaragua and to the stability and security of the region'; that we must 'fit Nicaragua back into a Central American mode' and 'turn Nicaragua back toward democracy,' and with the 'Latin American democracies' 'demand reasonable conduct by regional standard.'

Soon after the embargo was established, Managua re-declared 'a policy of nonalignment' and sought the aid of Western Europe, who were opposed to U.S. Policy, to escape dependency on the Soviet Union. Since 1981 U.S. Pressures had curtailed Western credit to and trade with Nicaragua, forcing the government to rely almost totally on the Eastern bloc for credit, other aid, and trade by 1985.

In his 1997 study on U.S. Low intensity warfare, Kermit D. Johnson, a former Chief of the U.S. Army Chaplains, contends that U.S.

Hostility toward the revolutionary government was motivated not by any concern for 'national security', but rather by what the world relief organization Oxfam termed 'the threat of a good example':It was alarming that in just a few months after the Sandinista revolution, Nicaragua received international acclaim for its rapid progress in the fields of literacy and health. It was alarming that a socialist-mixed-economy state could do in a few short months what the Somoza dynasty, a U.S. Client state, could not do in 45 years! It was truly alarming that the Sandinistas were intent on providing the very services that establish a government's political and moral legitimacy.The government's program included increased wages, subsidized food prices, and expanded health, welfare, and education services.

And though it nationalized Somoza's former properties, it preserved a private sector that accounted for between 50 and 60 percent of GDP. Atrocities. See also:With Congress blocking further contra aid, the Reagan administration sought to arrange funding and military supplies by means of third countries and private sources.

Between 1984 and 1986, $34 million from third countries and $2.7 million from private sources were raised this way. The secret contra assistance was run by the, with officer in charge. With the third-party funds, North created an organization called The Enterprise, which served as the secret arm of the NSC staff and had its own airplanes, pilots, airfield, ship, operatives, and secret Swiss bank accounts. It also received assistance from personnel from other government agencies, especially from CIA personnel in Central America. This operation functioned, however, without any of the accountability required of U.S. Government activities.

The Enterprise's efforts culminated in the, which facilitated contra funding through the proceeds of arms sales to Iran.According to the London Spectator, U.S. Journalists in Central America had long known that the CIA was flying in supplies to the Contras inside Nicaragua before the scandal broke. No journalist paid it any attention until the alleged CIA supply man, was shot down and captured by the Nicaraguan army. Similarly, reporters neglected to investigate many leads indicating that Oliver North was running the Contra operation from his office in the National Security Council.According to the, Oliver North had been in contact with, the military leader of later convicted on drug charges, whom he personally met. The issue of drug money and its importance in funding the Nicaraguan conflict was the subject of various reports and publications. The contras were funded by drug trafficking, of which the United States was aware. 's 1988 report on Contra drug links concluded that 'senior U.S.

Policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contras' funding problems'.The Reagan administration's support for the Contras continued to stir controversy well into the 1990s. In August 1996, reporter published a series titled Dark Alliance, alleging that the contras contributed to the rise of in California.Gary Webb's career as a journalist was subsequently discredited by the leading U.S.

Papers, the New York Times, the Washington Post, and the LA Times. An internal CIA report, entitled, 'Managing a Nightmare', shows the agency used 'a ground base of already productive relations with journalists' to help counter what it called 'a genuine public relations crisis.' In the 1980s, Douglas Farah worked as a journalist, covering the civil wars in Central America for the Washington Post.

According to Farah, while it was common knowledge that the Contras were involved in cocaine trafficking, the editors of the Washington Post refused to take it seriously:If you're talking about our intelligence community tolerating — if not promoting — drugs to pay for black ops, it's rather an uncomfortable thing to do when you're an establishment paper like the Post. If you were going to be directly rubbing up against the government, they wanted it more solid than it could probably ever be done.An investigation by the also stated that their 'review did not substantiate the main allegations stated and implied in the Mercury News articles.' Regarding the specific charges towards the CIA, the DOJ wrote 'the implication that the drug trafficking by the individuals discussed in the Mercury News articles was connected to the CIA was also not supported by the facts.'

The CIA also investigated and rejected the allegations. Propaganda During the time the US Congress blocked funding for the contras, the Reagan government engaged in a campaign to alter public opinion and change the vote in Congress on contra aid. For this purpose, the established an interagency working group, which in turn coordinated the for Latin America and the Caribbean (managed by ), which conducted the campaign. The S/LPD produced and widely disseminated a variety of pro-contra publications, arranged speeches and press conferences. It also disseminated 'white propaganda'—pro-contra newspaper articles by paid consultants who did not disclose their connection to the Reagan administration.On top of that, Oliver North helped 's tax-exempt organization, the, to raise $10 million, by arranging numerous briefings for groups of potential contributors at the premises of the White House and by facilitating private visits and photo sessions with President Reagan for major contributors. Channell in turn, used part of that money to run a series of television advertisements directed at home districts of considered swing votes on contra aid. Out of the $10 million raised, more than $1 million was spent on pro-contra publicity.

International Court of Justice ruling. Asleson, Vern. (2004) Nicaragua: Those Passed By. Galde Press. Belli, Humberto.

Breaking Faith: The Sandinista Revolution and Its Impact on Freedom and Christian Faith in Nicaragua. Crossway Books/The Puebla Institute., 'The Contras' Valley Forge: How I View the Nicaraguan Crisis', magazine, Summer 1988. Brody, Reed. Contra Terror in Nicaragua: Report of a Fact-Finding Mission: September 1984 – January 1985. Boston:. Brown, Timothy. The Real Contra War: Highlander Peasant Resistance in Nicaragua.

University of Oklahoma Press. Packaging the Contras: A Case of CIA Disinformation. New York: Institute for Media Analysis.;. Christian, Shirley. (1986) Nicaragua, Revolution In the Family.

New York: Vintage Books. Cox, Jack. (1987) Requiem in the Tropics: Inside Central America.

UCA Books. Cruz S., Arturo J. Memoirs of a Counterrevolutionary. New York: Doubleday. Dickey, Christopher. (1985, 1987).

With the Contras: A Reporter in the Wilds of Nicaragua. New York: Simon & Schuster. Garvin, Glenn. Everybody Had His Own Gringo: The CIA and the Contras. Washington: Brassey's.

Gill, Terry D. Dordrecht. Gugliota, Guy. Kings of Cocaine Inside the Medellin Cartel. Simon and Schuster. Horton, Lynn. Peasants in Arms: War and Peace in the Mountains of Nicaragua, 1979–1994.

Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies. (1986).

International Court of Justice. Retrieved 20 May 2011. (IV) (1986) (PDF). International Court of Justice. Archived from (PDF) on 2 December 2011.

Retrieved 2 June 2011.Hamilton, Lee H. (1987). Johns, Michael, Policy Review, Spring 1987.

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(1982) Dictatorships and Double Standards. Touchstone. Miranda, Roger, and William Ratliff.

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(1993, 1994) 'The Civil War in Nicaragua: Inside the Sandinistas.' New Brunswick, NY: Transaction Publishers. Moore, John Norton (1987). The Secret War in Central America: Sandinista Assault on World Order. University Publications of America. Pardo-Maurer, Rogelio. (1990) The Contras, 1980–1989: A Special Kind of Politics.

New York: Praeger. Persons, David E. (1987) A Study of the History and Origins of the Nicaraguan Contras. Nacogdoches, Texas: Total Vision Press. Stephen Austin University Special Collections. Sklar, H.

(1988).External links. by, 5 August 1985., by (with Michael Johns), Policy Review magazine, Summer 1988.

from the. from the., a documentary film directed by Peter Raymont. White Pine Pictures, 2003. – National Security Archive.

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